Skip to main content

Alternative media training: Fiction as an emotional educational tool

We should examine how highly influential politicians compete with the media, vying for attention and prime-time coverage by generating their own content. They do so by appealing to powerful emotions and popular sentiment, replicating many of the patterns and rituals found in religious gatherings.

The dominance of white, Western, Judeo-Christian journalism is pervasive worldwide. We must reclaim our cultural sovereignty and promote genuine diversity. To achieve this, the debate cannot be about objective “realities” alone but about perceptions—those narratives that spark emotions and shape the public’s common sense.

Given the central role of emotions, affect, and performativity in mobilizing the masses, it is crucial to study how communication can be wielded to build counter-hegemony.

The Right has benefited from liberal democracies’ inability to resolve capitalism’s internal contradictions, allowing society to gravitate toward post-democratic figures who champion neoliberalism and individual security while dismantling collective structures in favor of work- and family-centered guarantees.

Cultural struggle should aim at transforming material conditions, not merely securing a seat at the table for debates—whether feminist demands or otherwise. To win deeper and broader support for material change, we need a far better understanding of how people actually consume culture.

Today, the Left remains overly fixated on political ideology as the sole framework for collective organizing toward alternative futures. This approach often feels alienating, overly theoretical, and too cold for many culture consumers, who want to be moved as well as informed.

One instructive example comes from Mexico’s current government, which ensures that media platforms echo its positions rather than those of capital interests or corporate media gatekeepers.

In Latin America, numerous telenovelas and series have managed to politicize mainstream audiences through storytelling that appeals directly to emotions. It’s striking, however, that most of this emotionally driven, mass-appeal communication is dominated by conservative forces—ensuring that “woke” and progressive movements remain marginal.

Here, I propose that progressive voices reclaim the art of emotional storytelling: harness basic antagonisms, strong feelings, and clear villains and heroes. By doing so, we can convey our ideas with far less mental friction. Rather than lecturing on objective truths, we should craft fluid, entertaining emotional spaces that invite mass engagement with our message.

Humor, festivals, and collective meet-ups are precisely the arenas where we must reestablish our presence—shedding the solemnity and academic tone that too often characterize contemporary progressive outreach. Progressivism should not only be morally sound but also appealing, fun, safe, and horizontal—more emotional and less overly formal or theoretical. High-quality content and a more fluid, emotionally resonant delivery are not mutually exclusive; together, they can propel our ideas into the cultural mainstream.

Let’s bring the popular back into our discourse and formats, embody our ideas in collective spaces, and infuse them with vibrant aesthetics. As Omar Rincón reminds us, “If you don’t know how to dance, you know little.”










Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Alternative media training : Digital socialism

The evolution of technology in the 20th century brought about a form of relative emancipation—but also reached its most horrific expression in the tools used for mass murder during the Holocaust. After World War II, a new promise emerged: that integrated capital markets would bring peace and prosperity for all. However, technological infrastructures were quickly privatized. By the 1970s, communication providers had become powerful corporations. Since then, most technological investment has been directed toward enabling the financialization of the economy—allowing speculative transactions to be executed at ever faster speeds and on ever greater scales. This process culminated, though did not end, with the financial crash of 2008. Rather than questioning the inability of capital markets to reach equilibrium or provide equitable services, neoliberalism doubled down—further privatizing knowledge and social exchange through platforms like Google and Facebook. What we need today is the devel...